Sunday 29 January 2012

Fukuyama on Orban


Letters from Turkey

My dear Aunt,

my answer is definite no and no. Hungary is not a dictatorship and Mr. Orban is not a dictator, no matter what Daniel Cohn-Bendit says
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FgScDXYoQLE

The interesting questions to me are these: could Hungary evolve into a dictatorship, does Mr. Orban have the capacities of a dictator.

Please read how Francis Fukuyama is thinking about such issues:

(Even those who do not approve of Mr. Orban should acknowledge that the man ignites thoughts in the minds of the finest thinkers.)

Prof. Fukuyama shows that the British prime minister has more power than his Hungarian counterpart, there is no Constitutional Court in the UK, and I would add the UK does not even have a real written constitution. So then why does half of the world believe that England is a democracy, while Hungary is an autocratic country?

According to Fukuyama:

...the “democratic dictatorship” constituted by the Westminster system has worked in English history because of the underlying moderation of English politics: while some may have been tempted, few prime ministers have sought to use their majorities to, for example, shut down the opposition press.

And we can go further, no British prime minister is allowed to do many things even if legally empowered to do so. That is because politics is governed greatly by unwritten conventions.

In an openly brutal dictatorship you know your place. You are either for or against, you know your friends, you know your enemies. Decision makers in Hungary were socialised in a “soft dictatorship” ruled by János Kádár. Now that was tricky. Most Hungarians were happy that the brutal Stalinist dictatorship passed, Kádár did not interfere with the personal lives of his subjects, who were able to by small auto-mobiles, build their homes or live in small flats owned by the city council. The country did not prosper but few people went to bed hungry and everybody had a bed. There were no political prisoners.

Few people realised that they live in a totalitarian system. The poet György Petri knew and expressed the essence of soft dictatorship in two lines: “I glance down at my shoe and – there’s the lace!/ This can’t be gaol then, can it, in that case.”

There were laws on the press, on the right of association and there were the unwritten, even unmentioned conventions on how far one could go in criticising the system openly. There was no formal censorship, because it was not needed, self-censorship did the job. The system changed more than 20 years ago, however 20 years is just a blink of the eye for unwritten conventions to evolve.

As a child I was struck by the posting in every public building: “Spitting on the floor is strictly prohibited”. Why do they forbid what nobody would do? Later I learned such notes had a function earlier, when chewing tobacco was trendy. Tobacco elicits salvation, poor guys had to spit, and they sometimes spat on the floor, sometimes into those nice ceramic cylinders which were still available in my childhood although without any function at that time. A few years later the signs and the cuspidors simply vanished – nobody is in urgent need to spit any more and everybody knows spitting on the floor is not nice.

Lowering the retirement age of thousands of judges from one day to the next is not illegal, is not antidemocratic, not unconstitutional. It is simply not nice. A gentleman would never do such a thing. The general retirement age is actually being increased by 6 month every year until it reaches 65. This will affect me, still, I say this is fair, because it is gradual, foreseeable, predictable, I know exactly what to expect if I live that long (I am working on it right now). Decreasing the retirement age from 70 to 62 without any warning, without any transition (well, except for a 6 months waiting period for some) is not fair. And it does not make sense either. If the true aim was to set a universal retirement age without exceptions they could have done it gradually until the increasing retirement age of the general public meets the decreasing age of the judges at 65. Why not? So what is the true aim?

Professor Fukuyama! Young democracies without strong conventions do need strong institutions, checks and balances, and monitoring from outside. To keep the floor tidy.

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